Task B ONE:

These more extreme Malay nationalists within UMNO were also unhappy with the high profile adopted by Lee Kuan Yew, an ethnic Chinese politician, in the negotiation for Merger and the immediate period after Merger. In Singapore, 212 Muslim organisations participated in the rally. By 1 pm on 21 July 1964, 25 thousand Muslims gathered on the Padang. At 2 pm, Singapore's head of state, made a formal address. Muslims were urged to follow Islamic teachings and be "patient, forebearing and industrious". At 3.30 pm, the crowd was supposed to march from the Padang to St Andrews Road, Beach Road, Arab Street, Victoria Street, Kallang Road, and eventually to Lorong 12, Geylang. During the procession, tempers were frayed when someone threw a bottle in to the procession. A federal reserve unit policeman was attacked when he asked the marchers to stick to the route near the Kallang Gas Works. Disorder quickly spread. Numerous people were injured in clashes in Kallang, Geylang Serai, Tanjong Pagar and Chinatown. The disorder was so great that many cinemas announced the cancellation of their 9.30 pm film screening. In the first day of rioting, 4 were killed and 178 injured. Disorder spread to some other areas of Singapore in the next few days. 2 men were assaulted in the Upper Serangoon area at 9.15 pm on 22 July. Malay families living in Queenstown left their homes for fear of their personal safety. A dusk to dawn curfew was imposed island-wide to control the disorder on 23 July, and was only completely lifted on 2 August, 11 days later. 45 curfew breakers were jailed.With instability, the prices of food and provisions shot up during this period. All work had to cease for three days. Most important of all, fear was widespread. In all, 23 were killed and 460 injured. Causes of the racial riots Racial sentiments were aroused in Singapore in various ways. On 12 July 64 UMNO held a convention of about 150 Malay organisations in Singapore. It was chaired by the secretary-general of UMNO in Malaya. He concluded that Malays in Singapore had not been treated fairly by the PAP government as they had not progressed in material terms and urged the Malays to unite to overcome this unfair treatment. The Utusan Melayu, a Malay newspaper in Malay, accused the PAP of humiliating and trying to divide the Malay community in Singapore. It was not easy for Tunku Abdul Rahman to control the more racialist elements in UMNO as he would be seen to be unprotective of Malay interests. There were already daily Indonesian accusations that he had sold out the Malays to the Chinese and Indian merchants in Malaysia. After the racial riot, Tunku suggested that it was caused by the long neglect of the Singapore Malays.
The Malayan Chinese Association, a component party in the Alliance which governed Malaysia also contributed to the racially-charged atmosphere. Its minister in the government, Khaw Kai Boh, for instance, alleged that Singapore's progress was especially meant for the Chinese. PAP's position was that the Malays would have to raise their educational standards in order to improve their economic position. No special treatment, other than that stated in the Singapore constitution, was envisaged. There were more fundamental reasons why some prominent members of UMNO and MCA were eager to create social and racial tension in Singapore, and thus weaken PAP rule and reduce its political threat. Certain elements of UMNO were from the outset opposed to Singapore's merger with Malaya as Singapore had a large number of Chinese. These more extreme Malay nationalists within UMNO were also unhappy with the high profile adopted by Lee Kuan Yew.
For instance, the Singaporean leader publicised the difficulties he faced during the negotiations for Merger; and on a BBC television news analysis programme, Lee Kuan Yew was the only one who was invited and whose views were aired. In January 1964, Lee Kuan Yew led a 12-member goodwill mission tour of 17 African states and India to counter Indonesian propaganda aimed at Malaysia, an act which attracted the protests of Malay nationalists like Syed Jaafar Albar. The concern of UMNO was heightened when the Alliance branch in Singapore failed to win any seat in Singapore in the elections on 21 September 1963, even in constituencies where Malays dominated. In anger, Tunku labelled the Malays who gave their support to PAP, rather than UMNO, "traitors". The PAP candidates voted in by the Malays in Singapore were however also Malay --- it was not an ethnic "betrayal" as Tunku portrayed. Prominent UMNO members were also displeased with Singapore's perceived indocility to the federal authority. Despite Tunku's public statements supporting MCA, PAP contested against MCA in the April 1964 federal elections.Moreover, PAP made clear that by attempting to become a bigger political force in Malaya, it could bring about "the winds of change" in Malaysia, whereby UMNO would be forced to accept the non-communal, more egalitarian political ideology and approach of PAP. Tun Razak, deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia, then expressed his doubts of PAP's sincerity towards the interests and welfare of Malays. PAP's participation in the federal elections was thus seen as an attempt to undermine the Malays' special and privileged position in Malaya.Malay chauvinists in UMNO portrayed PAP as an anti-Malay party and feelings of the Singapore Malays against Chinese were inflamed. Lee Kuan Yew was certain that the UMNO extremists were to be blamed for the racial riots.
The Malayan Chinese Association's suspicions of PAP-led Singapore were political. They feared losing the support of their Chinese supporters in Malaya to Lee Kuan Yew. Key leaders of MCA tried to derail the negotiations prior to the Merger. MCA also attempted to reduce the political influence of PAP by revitalising its branch in Singapore, and involving itself in Singaporean politics. The PAP on the other hand, refused to accept that the MCA represented the interests of all Chinese in Malaya. MCA was seen as a "rich man's club" whose failure to represent the interests of less well-off Chinese, could lead to the growth in influence of the pro-communist parties. MCA thus harboured deep fears that PAP might seek to replace it in the Alliance which ruled Malaysia if PAP grew in political strength, despite public statements by Tunku that he would stand by the MCA, its "staunch partner". Relations between MCA and PAP were worsened by constant antagonistic public statements, of a political and personal nature. Tension was further raised when Tan Siew Sin, the federal Finance Minister, refused to implement the common market in Malaysia as agreed during the negotiations prior to the Merger, unless Singapore remitted 60%, instead of 40%, of her national revenue to Kuala Lumpur.Indonesian agents could also have been involved in provoking the disorder. This was the period of Confrontation. Indonesia, under the direction of President Sukarno, were opposed to the formation of Malaysia as she was interested in capturing Sarawak and Sabah in East Malaysia. The Indonesian government was also faced with various domestic problems. Its attempt to create disorder and instability in Malaysia would divert the attention of Indonesians from such problems. In a period from September 1963 to May 1965, there were 42 bomb explosions by Indonesian-directed saboteurs. After the racial riot on 21 July 1964, Tunku Abdul Rahman, the Prime Minister of Malaysia, condemned Indonesia as the possible agent behind the riots. However, the Indonesian saboteurs would not have been successful, if racial tension has not already been heightened.

Waifoo
Henry
Randy
Dick










August 2008
September 2008